Wednesday, April 16, 2014

U.S. Cavalry Fighters are Going to Play Polo

First Polo Clubs
In England, the first polo match was organized by Captain Edward "Chicken" Hartopp, of the British Cavalry 10th Hussars, on Hounslow Heath in 1869. However,  one year earlier in 1868, a detachment of this regiment had played a practice game near Limerick. By the 1870's, the sport of polo was well established in England.

In 1876, James Gordon Bennett, a noted American publisher, introduced the sport of polo to New York City. He organized the first polo match in the United States at Dickel's Riding Academy at 39th Street and Fifth Avenue.

In the spring of 1876, a group of polo players established the first formal American polo club, the Westchester Polo Club, at the Jerome Park race track in New York.

In 1877, Thomas Hitchcock Sr., Oliver W. Bird, August Belmont, Benjamin Nicoll, and their associates participated in the first polo match on Long Island. The polo match was played on the infield of the racetrack of the Mineola Fair Grounds.

Within ten years, there were numerous polo clubs on Long Island. Over the next 50 years, the sport of polo achieved tremendous popularity in the United States.


It was in 1892 that the the 4th Cavalry Regiment organized the first regimental polo club in Washington state, Horsemanship became synonymous with leadership, and polo was an efficient way to train soldiers and officers in the art of war. At Fort Riley, Kansas, Army polo was being played in full force by 1896. Cow ponies were bought for $15 a head and teams were assembled, schooled and sent on the road to compete against other teams in Fort Benning, Georgia, Fort Bliss and Kelly Field in Texas, Fort Douglas, Utah, Fort Monroe, Virginia, and the Field Artillery School at Fort Sill, Oklahoma. Popularity amongst the offiers was such that the Army Polo Association became a part of the United States Polo Association in 1902, and subsequently in 1914 there was polo being played at seventeen Army stations.

 
From 1900 to 1936, polo was an Olympic sport. In 1920 an Army Team was fielded and represented the United States in the Olympic Games at Antwerp, with the American squad emerging bronze medalists behind the United Kingdom’s British Army gold medal winners. United Kingdom teams were the international polo powers of the time and were medalists for five Olympiads held before the Second World War. In 1936 polo was officially dropped from the Olympic Games. It must be remembered that in fact, until the cavalry was disbanded in 1948, every single U.S. equestrian Olympic team was made up of members of the cavalry or U.S. Army equestrian team; civilians were not invited to take part until the Helsinki games in 1952, the same year women were first allowed to compete in Olympic equestrian events.

"U.S. cavalry fighters are going to play polo
in order to obtain poise in the saddle."

The experiences of US Army polo in the Philippines tell an illustrative tale.


William Cameron Forbes was an American investment banker and diplomat. During the administration of President Howard Taft, he served as Governor-General of the Philippines from 1908 to 1913. Among his passions was the game of Polo; so much so that he bought a tract of land along Manila Bay out of his personal funds and donated it to the incorporators of the Manila Polo Club which opened in November of 1909.

Forbes wrote regular articles in polo magazines abroad and soon, the Manila Polo Club’s reputation as a premier polo institution quickly spread around the world. Cameron Forbes’ book “As To Polo”. An outgrowth of that book was, “A Manual of Polo” written in 1910. It became a popular text and was utilized by the U.S. Army 14th Cavalry.

Rivalry between the Polo Club and the military always drew crowds. Among overseas officers, polo appears to have assumed the status of a distinct subculture, equal to that of boxing among enlisted men. By the 1920s the army in the Philipines boasted eight polo teams and participated in a six-month season in which matches often were played three times a week.

Forts McKinley and Stotsenberg and the “Carabao Wallow Hunt and Polo Club” at Nichols Field each had their own field and stable; officers brought their polo ponies with them and there was keen interest in breeding with European and Australian stock.
Tournaments were held in February and May of each year and played for the Far Eastern, Wood, and Langhorne Cups.
 Source: Guardians of Empire: The U.S. Army and the Pacific, 1902-1940, Brian McAllister Linn.

‘Black Jack’ Pershing, General of the Armies during World War I, invited the British Army to a series of matches in 1923 and '25. All horses used in play were required to be owned by officers on the active list or the property of the United States War Department.

“The United States Army polo team swept everything before it yesterday on International Field, Meadow Brook Club, Westbury, L.I., and captured the third and deciding game for the world’s military championship from Great Britain, 10-3. There is no superlative to describe the efforts of the United States representatives. Pitted against a team rated nearly twice as strong as individuals and which was mounted on far superior ponies, the Americans won simply by their own determined will to conquer and an ability to play together as a unit.”
New York Times, September 19, 1923

The back story to the 1923 US Cavalry victory over the British is informative
With the tournament against the British scheduled for September, tryouts for the U.S. Army team were held at Mitchel Field, New York in June of 1923. The Army Air Corps had a Polo center there at the air field, complete with stables, hospital, barracks, feed storage, enclosed playing field and practice grounds.

The four players selected to represent the Army consisted of  two prominent cavalry officers. Major Arthur H. “Jingles” Wilson, a 6th Cavalry Medal of Honor recipient from “knocking out the Moros” in 1909 was appointed “Captain of the Team”, and Major John K. Herr, a highly rated five-goal player who became the last Army Chief of Cavalry in 1938

The other two team members were Lieutenant Colonel Lewis Brown, Jr. and Major Louis A. Beard. The British were heavily favored to win, as their players were rated 14 goals than the U.S. team. The game was played ‘On the Level” and the US team was not granted any goals by handicap.

The U.S. Army Team was quick off the mark, preparation for the match with the English took precedence over all other duties. They spent the summer of 1923 playing in a variety of tournaments on the east coast, they were victorious at the U.S. Junior Championship before the British of the UK Army Team got off the boat. The British hit the beach on the 24th of August, bringing with them 25 first class horses and groom. Arriving when they did, gave the Red Coats a full three weeks for their mounts to acclimate and for them to prepare. Being that there were Olympic Gold Medalists on the team, the British the odds were weighted towards them to gain the upper hand and emerge victorious from the three matches that would be played at the “Yankee Stadium of polo,” the prestigious Meadow Brook Club in Westbury, Long Island.
It was an era when polo was a major spectator sport and the results of the polo matches were regularly reported on the sports pages of national papers and attendance at the games would often exceed those of both tennis and golf in overall numbers.

The Red Coats came with first rate horsemen, bringing experienced polo playing officers from lancer and hussar regiments of the British Army. They were the ream of the rop, being selected to participate in the forth coming international tournament. Lieutenant Colonel T.P. Melvill of the team had only one major concern about coming to the United States, Prohibition.

“…it is forbidden by law to drink, gamble or bet…I did all these things in the greatest luxury and comfort within forty-eight hours of my arrival.”

The visiting Brits were made welcome in the homes of the  prominent polo families to include the famous Tommy Hitchcock, a dashing figure who was the highest rated player of the day and who, it has been said, provided a foundational character for F. Scott Fitzgerald’s novel, The Great Gatsby.

The Tournament was a best of three series and the riders rode onto thefirst match on 12 September 1923. There were 10,000 spectators gathered at Meadow Brook Club to watch the action. It took only thirty seconds for the Brits to score after the first throw in. The US players were not intimidated, but like John Paul Jones had just begun to fight, riding hard the US Army rode on to an an upset, a 10-7 victory. Team Captain Wilson leading while, according to the NY Times, 

“Herr and Beard…stroking splendidly, saving many points by their courage in checking the British attack.”

Secretary of War Weeks, and “officers and buck privates” in the stands celebrated the victory, as the Americans at a gallop style of play seemed to baffle the slower moving British. (Washington Post)
It was just four days later when the Red Coats managed a 12-10 win against the American officers with “Black Jack” Pershing and the U.S. Military Academy First Class watching from the sidelines on that fateful Saturday. The British win set the stage for the third and final match, at which who had the bragging rights for the the first International Military Polo Championship would be determined
 It was on the 18th of September that Major Herr wrote home saying,  
“Today we must do battle with our backs against the wall,” before mounting up on his string of polo horses, Liggett, Starlight, Meld and Spaghetti to ride against the British.

The US team continued to ride hard and played with a hurry up offensive style, pushing to score quickly, before their horses were spent. Herr and Brown each scored four goals, becoming the the offensive stars of the team., It turned out to be a great day for the US Cavalry, out scoring the Red Coats, 10-3, in a decisive victory over the best the British had to offer. The unexpected victory was complete and cups presented to the winning team by famous polo player Devereux Milburn and the Secretary of War.


The New York Times afterwards in analyzing the tournament identified the winning key components of the U.S. Army Team “as speed, intensity and team work,” traits that many officers later also identified as values of the sport. 

While newspaper sports writers were struggling to the proper superlatives for the US triumph over the British, the effect upon the U.S. Army was immediate, The Cavalry Journal wrote ... 

“We are continuing to justify the War Department policy of promoting polo.”

The sports popularity amongst officers increased substantially. With the USPA reporting that an additional 244 officers joined the handicap rolls with nearly forty per cent of all rated players being Army officers.

The game became so popular that in 1928 there was polo being played at forty-seven Army posts scattered across the continental United States and in the territories of the Philippines, Hawaii and the Canal Zone. 


Members of the 10th Cavalry polo team at Fort Huachuca in 1925. From left to right: 1st Lieut.J6hn H. Healy, Major Frank K. Chapin, Lieut. Halley C. Maddox, Capt. Taylor, Lieut. George C. Clausen, 1st Lieut. Kirk Broaddus. Photo courtesy Mrs. Kirk Broaddus.

It was during the 1930s that there were 1,500 polo players in the US military. This number greatly exceeded the number of civilians that participated at the sport. All these polo playing soldiers needed horses, and that's where the Army remount service came in. provided a valuable resource-not only to the military but to the sport in general as well. The remount service began around 1912 and supplied horses for the Army from four main military installations, in Virginia, Oklahoma, Nebraska and California. The Quartermaster Corps acted as purchasing agents for the Army and would meet any demand made for horses. The remount depots also became involved in a country-wide breeding program for the Army horses.
* * * * * *
When the National Intercollegiate Polo Association was formed, two of the six original were military schools-Pennsylvania Military Academy and West Point. West Point's last team, the Black Knights, played in 1946.


The 1939-1940 polo season was, perhaps, one of the greatest for polo at PMC. Under the guidance of Coach Carl Schaubel, ’30, considered at the time to be the best polo coach in the country, the team of Jim Spurrier ‘40, Emery Hickman ‘40 and “Bud” Maloney ‘41 excelled. Jim Spurrier was the sparkplug of the team. Bud Maloney formed the spearhead on attack, and Emory Hickman constantly retrieved the ball, feeding it to Spurrier and Maloney. Following the completion of a successful regular season, the PMC team once again played in the Intercollegiate Polo Tournament. They beat Harvard and West Point, but were defeated by Princeton in the Championship game. After graduation, these men, along with William Dudley ’42, a sophomore and another member of the polo team, were again teamed together in the 1st Cavalry Division. Three of these polo players distinguished themselves in action and earned Silver Star Medals for their leadership and heroism.

Oklahoma Military Academy
By 1930, OMA’s enrollment was nearing 300, ten times the size of the first class 11 years earlier. That same year, the school got a Reserve Officer Training Corps (R.O.T.C.) cavalry program, with the federal government sending 60 horses and 11 enlisted men to the Hill.

Oklahoma Military Academy Flying Cadets
The cavalry program gave birth to a polo team, which quickly became one of the best in the nation. In a famous 1934 event, sponsored by Will Rogers, the OMA Flying Cadets beat the Stanford University squad twice in a row, following a train trip that carried the Claremore riders and their steeds to the West Coast.

Value of the Sport
Polo is a dangerous game; that being one of the sport's attractions for young, energetic officers. An Army officer was killed while playing at the Meadow Brook Club in 1931. The Cavalry Journal reported a minor accident or fall rate of some 71 per cent for officers who were questioned in a survey of four tournaments. Concussions and head injuries were not uncommon, with exceptionally aggressive players such as Patton suffering numerous head injuries. You have to be tough to play polo.



Major George S. Patton Jr., head of the 1922 Army Team that won the Junior Championship, commented in an article that

“The virtue of polo as a military accomplishment rests on the following: it makes a man think fast while he is excited; it reduces his natural respect for his own safety - that is, makes him bold; it ... teach[es] restraint under exciting circumstances ... nearest to mounted combat; makes riding worthwhile; keeps a man hard ... [and] teach[es] better horse management.”

Also Lucian K. Truscott, who went on to become one of WW II’s most highly regarded Army commanders, always credited the sport with helping to develop a successful commander’s qualities. Polo’s hard riding intensity at times was indeed similar to combat. In fact, one of reasons Truscott, the chief architect of the Army Ranger concept in early 1942, was chosen for this role by Eisenhower was his well-known abilities with the sport.

Reports from the Army Polo Association described the sport as a “vital professional asset,” that improved players’ aggressiveness, decision making skills, teamwork and physical fitness.

Finally, a review of rosters from the period lists a significant number of notable Army division, corps and army commanders who went onto achieve prominence both before and during the Second World War. A review of APA officers with a recorded handicap during the interwar period includes such renowned Army leaders as Herr, Chaffee, Patton, Truscott, Wainwright, Simpson, Gerhardt, Devers, Allen, Harmon, Holbrook, and Swift.
* * * * * *
http://www.polomuseum.com/history_of_polo.htm
http://www.gwpda.org/comment/huachuca/HI2-17.htm
http://www.rosehillpoa.com/page/16939~340358/History-of-Polo
https://www.rsu.edu/centennial/1930.asp
http://www.militaryhistoryonline.com/20thcentury/articles/poloinusarmy.aspx
https://www.rsu.edu/centennial/1919.asp

Friday, April 11, 2014

The Last Campaign - Adventures in Mexico

 
General Álvaro Obregón, General Francisco Villa Arámbula,
 General John J. Pershing and George S. Patton Jr on the International Bridge
between Ciudad Juárez and El Paso on August 27, 1914.

An increasing number of border incidents early in 1916 culminated in an invasion of American territory on 8 March, when Francisco (Pancho) Villa and his band of as many as 500 men raided Columbus, New Mexico. Elements of the 13th Cavalry repulsed the attack, but there were 24 American casualties (14 military, 10 civilian).


 Following U.S. protests Mexico's President Venustiano Carranza undertook to deal with Villa but insisted that the U.S. not interfere.  However with the U.S. rapidly losing patience with Carranza, General Frederick Funston - U.S. commander along the border - was ordered to dispatch an armed U.S. column into Mexico in pursuit of Villa (to be taken dead or alive).  To that end Funston placed General John Pershing in command of a punitive expedition of about 4,800 men to capture Villa.

 
The 7th, 10th, 11th, and 13th Cavalry regiments, 6th and 16th Infantry regiments, part of the 6th Field Artillery, and supporting elements crossed the border into Mexico in mid-March, followed later by the 5th Cavalry, 17th and 24th Infantry regiments, and engineer and other units.

 * * * * * * *
It was on 29 March, 1916 that the first battle between the Villistas and the soldiers took place, at San Geronimo Ranch, near the town of Guerrero.

General Pershing received intelligence regarding the location of Villa at Guerrero, 230 miles south of Columbus, so he sent a messenger to Colonel George A. Dodd to move his 370 troopers of the 7th cavalry into the area. Colonel Dodd was to ride as fast as possible to catch Villa before he moved on. When the Americans arrived at Guerrero on March 29, they had traveled about 400 miles in fourteen days, following their departure from Camp Harvey J. Jones in southern Arizona, including fifty-five miles in the seventeen hours after receiving news of Villa's position.
Colonel George A. Dodd
 By the morning of March 29, the Americans were exhausted from their journey, low on rations, and had to fight a battle against a well defended town.

According to varying sources, there were between 200 and 500 Villistas at Guerrero, spread out across the town, and for the first couple of hours after the 7th Cavalry's arrival, Dodd had his men attempt to ascertain the number of enemy forces. It wasn't until 8:00 am that the order to attack was given.


Dodd divided his command into three contingents with instructions to charge and surround the town in order to cut off the Villistas's avenue of escape. When the American charged, fighting erupted at three points. After the charge the Americans dismounted to fight the Mexicans on foot.

During the five-hour battle, over 75 of Villa's men were killed or wounded and he was forced to retreat into the mountains. Only five of the Americans were hurt, none of them fatally. The battle is considered the single most successful engagement of the expedition and it was the closest Pershing's men came to capturing Villa.

Guerrero was flanked by mountains on two sides which made it difficult to surround the town and the Villistas used them for cover. There were also not enough cavalrymen to cover all of the escape routes so the majority of the Mexicans got away, including Pancho Villa. Part of the Villista army mounted up and retreated east through a valley. They were pursued by some of the American cavalrymen in a ten mile running engagement.
 * * * * * * *
Official Report of the Dispersal of Villa's Forces by General John Pershing
San Geronimo Ranch,
March 30, 1916

Dodd struck Villa's command, consisting of 500, 6 o'clock, March 29th, at Guerrero.
Villa, who is suffering from a broken leg and lame hip, was not present.  Number Villa's dead known to be thirty, probably others carried away dead.  Dodd captured two machine guns, large number horses, saddles, and arms.  Our casualties, four enlisted men wounded, none seriously.

Attack was surprise, the Villa troops being driven in a ten-mile running fight and retreated to mountains northeast of railroad, where they separated into small bands.

Large number Carranzista prisoners, who were being held for execution, were liberated during the fight.
In order to reach Guerrero, Dodd marched fifty-five miles in seventeen hours and carried on fight for five hours.
Eliseo Hernandez, who commanded Villa's troops, was killed in fight.  With Villa permanently disabled, Lopez wounded, and Hernandez dead, the blow administered is a serious one to Villa's band.

* * * * * * *

31 March, 1916 found the 10th Cavalry deep in Chihuahua, Mexico.
They had been scouting for signs of villistas for two weeks and were in camp at San Diego del Monte when a snowstorm struck, cutting them off from contact with headquarters and General Pershing.

Failing to receive any orders or information from his superior, Colonel William C. Brown, commanding the regiment, decided to move with the 2d Squadron toward the last reported action at Guerrero, leaving the 1st Squadron under Major E. W. Evans in camp. It was the right move.

At 13:15 on April 1st near the village of Agua Caliente, Brown's force encountered some 150 villistas under General Beltran at a ranch where they had taken refuge.

Captain Selwyn D. Smith
.Captain Selwyn D. Smith's E Troop was on the point and at the first exchange of fire the villistas galloped away to the south. A running fight ensued with Capt. Orlando C. Troxel's Troop H and Capt. William S. Valentine's Troop F, both under the command of Major Charles Young, trying to cut them off from the east and Capt. George B. Rodney's Troop G and Capt. Albert E. Phillips' Machine Gun Troop racing through the village.

The highlight of the fight occurred when some of the Mexicans took up a strong position behind a stone wall to pour fire on the Americans. Brown ordered Major Young to charge the position with troops H and F, and the soldiers, buoyed by the prospect of being part of the first real cavalry charge since the Spanish-American War, leapt to the saddle, drew their .45s, and swept down on the villistas' wall. As they increased their speed to the gallop, withholding their fire, they began to yell, and the Mexicans ran off into the woods to their rear.

Captain Troxel described the outcome of the clash:
... We never saw these Villistas as opponents again. ... None of our men were hit and the horses were the only part of our command that had not enjoyed the skirmish. One horse was wounded, one of mine dropped exhausted, one died that night, we killed one the next morning, and one could just get along by being led. I do not know the loss of the animals in other troops.
...We captured several ponies and mules and part of their pack train. We know of three Mexicans killed, and reports from Mexican sources, as noted in American papers, gave their casualties as forty-two, but I doubt the number and do not believe any of our officers think we got that many. As they were never out in the open, and as it was a running fight, we had no opportunity to look for their casualties nor did we particularly care to do so.

  * * * * * * *
 It soon became plain that Mexicans, from railway employees to Carranza's commanders, would do all they could to thwart American efforts to find Pancho Villa.

Frank Tompkins, shown here as a colonel.
 Participants like Colonel Frank Tompkins felt that the active "treachery" of the de facto government officials was all that prevented Pershing's forces from capturing Villa, the pillager of Columbus, New Mexico. Tompkins wrote,

"There was among the people a resentment toward us that was clearly shown in the brazen false news they disseminated. Practically all information from native sources was either entirely misleading, or if based on fact, located Villa's band at places several days later than the actual date. ...Several Mexicans frankly said that they would consider it a national disgrace if the Americans should capture Villa."
 
 A Dangerous Shift

 The resistance to the expedition would make a dangerous shift from providing the Americans misleading information to actual attacks on their columns.

Colonel Frank Tompkins  led the deepest penetration into Mexico  when the column under his command arrived at Parral in the early morning of 12 April. The Constitutionalist commander of the city, General Ismael Lozano, informed Major Tompkins that coming to the city was a bad idea and that he must leave immediately. Tompkins agreed so the Americans left Parral not long after getting there.

On the way out of town, a group of Mexicans began shouting "Viva Villa", and other phrases, so Tompkins shouted the same back. A few minutes later, as the column was just outside of town, a cavalry of about 550 Carrancistas launched an attack on the American column.

Within the first few shots a sergeant standing next to Tompkins was hit with a bullet and killed while a second man was seriously wounded. Heavily outnumbered, the major had no choice but to keep going so he dismounted a rear guard to take up positions on a small hill and engage the pursuing Mexicans.

In this first skirmish an estimated twenty-five Mexicans were killed and the rest were driven off. The guard then regrouped with Tompkins' main force where they withstood another attack. During the second skirmish, an estimated forty-five Mexicans were killed. Tompkins continued his march to Santa Cruz de Villegas, a fortified town, eight miles from Parral, that the Americans could defend.

Though by the time of their arrival the fighting had ceased. The Mexicans were not far away, Tompkins was facing the possibility of his 100 man force being besieged by hundreds of Carrancistas, so he sent out dispatch riders for reinforcements.

On hearing of the attack on Tompkins, Colonel William C. Brown raced his 10th Cavalry to reinforce him. Within minutes the Buffalo Soldiers were in the saddle and moving to Santa Cruz de Villegas where Tompkins was reported to be making a stand. An hour later, with darkness falling, the buglers of the 10th sounded some calls and a faint answering call let them know that they were at the American camp.



The force of Buffalo Soldiers, troopers of the 2nd squadron of the 10th Cavalry,  were under the command of Major Charles Young,  the third African-American graduate of West Point. It was the same Major Young who had led a cavalry pistol charge against Pancho Villa's forces at Agua Caliente (1 April 1916), where the 10th Cavalry had routed the opposing forces without losing a single man.
It was obvious that the beleaguered Tompkins was glad to see the relief force come up. Captain Rodney was among those first 10th cavalrymen to ride into Tompkins' position and he recounted the scene.
The sound of our hoofbeats brought Tompkins to the gates and he gave us a warm welcome. He had bee wounded in the arm and he had injured a leg by falling over some hasty entrenchments that he had been supervising, and he was glad to see us. As we splashed through the ford he shouted to us. I can hear his words yet.
Major Charles Young, one of the six Negro officers of the Army and our Squadron Commander, was riding by me at the head of the advance guard when Tompkins sighted him and called out,

"By God! They were glad to see the Tenth Cavalry at Santiago in '98, but I'm a damn sight gladder to see you now. I could kiss every one of you!"

Young grinned and called back.
"Hello, Tompkins! You can start in on me right now."
There was no further talk of kissing....

Because of his exceptional leadership of the 10th Cavalry in the Mexican theater of war, Young was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel in September 1916. He was assigned as commander of Fort Huachuca, the base in Arizona of the Tenth Cavalry, nicknamed the "Buffalo Soldiers", until mid 1917.

He was the first African American to achieve the rank of colonel in the US Army.

 * * * * * * *
May 14, 1916
Second Lt. George S. Patton and his force, riding in Dodge touring autos, approach the San Miguelito Ranch from the south, appropriately at high noon.

Patton positions two carloads—eight soldiers and a guide—at the southern wall around the hacienda and its two gates. He and the remaining two soldiers and a guide park their car northwest of the compound. They make their way east along the low north wall, heading toward the big arch of the main gate.
Patton carries a rifle in his left hand, with his right on the pistol butt at his hip. He is almost at the gate when three horsemen dash out of the hacienda into the courtyard and head southeast. They run right into the Americans stationed there.

The Mexicans immediately wheel around and charge toward Patton. Bullets whiz around the lieutenant as he pulls his Colt single action from its holster and returns fire.

One bullet breaks the left arm of the lead rider, who is later identified as Capt. Julio Cardenas, a close aide to Pancho Villa. Another shot takes down his horse. The wounded man scrambles for cover as Patton retreats to a wall to reload. The other two Mexican riders split up, trying to escape.

Patton sees one of them go by and shoots the horse in the hip, knocking down the mount and the soldier. In an act of chivalry, the American waits for the Mexican to extricate himself, stand up and pull his weapon—only then does Patton (and a couple of his men) shoot and kill him.

The third Villista has almost made good his escape, riding hard some 100 yards east of the hacienda. Patton holsters his pistol and aims his rifle. He and several of his command open up. The Mexican falls dead in the dust.

Meanwhile, in the confusion, Cardenas has exited on foot through the southwest gate and is running for some fields. One of Patton’s guides, an ex-Villista named E.L. Holmdahl, catches up with the wounded man, who falls to the ground and puts up his good, right arm in a sign of surrender. Holmdahl approaches with a drawn revolver to take the Mexican into custody. Cardenas drops his hand and pulls his pistol. His shot misses. Holmdahl puts a bullet in the captain’s head.

Thursday, April 10, 2014

The Surrender of Geronimo

 
(By LIEUTENANT CHARLES B. GATEWOOD, 6th U. S. Cavalry.)

In July, 1886, General Miles, after an interview with some of the friendly Chiricahuas at Fort Apache, Arizona, determined to send two of them, Kayitah and Martine, with myself to the hostiles under Natchez and Geronimo, with a message demanding their surrender and promising removal to Florida with their families, where they would await final disposition by the President.

Kayitah and Martine
General Miles gave me written authority to call upon any officer commanding United States troops, except those of a few small columns operating in Mexico, for whatever help was needed. And, to prevent my possible capture as a hostage, he particularly warned me not to go near the hostiles with less than twenty-five soldiers as an escort. He ordered the soldiers to be furnished me by the commanding officer of Fort Bowie.

Our party was organized at Fort Bowie, Arizona: the two Indians ; George Wratten, interpreter ; Frank Huston, packer, and myself. Later, "Old Tex" Whaley, a rancher, was hired as courier. We were furnished with the necessary riding and pack mules ; but upon mention of our twenty-five soldiers, the commanding officer showed so little desire to part with so large a portion of his command that we forbore to insist. Whereupon he seemed much relieved and promised cordially that my escort should be supplied from the command of Captain Stretch, south of us at Cloverdale near the Mexican line.

We set out, and in three days arrived at Cloverdale. There we found that a company of infantry at very reduced strength, ten broken-down horses and a six-mule team comprised the whole outfit. Captain Stretch having been my instructor at West Point, it did not seem right that I should rob him of his whole command. Instead, we merely accepted his invitation to dinner, and then journeyed on into Mexico.

Soon after crossing the line, we fell in with a troop of the Fourth Cavalry under Lieutenant James Parker, with Infantry detachments under Lieutenants Richardson and Bullard, a total of some thirty to forty men—again too few to furnish my escort without disrupting the command. We went on together to Carretas, Mexico, and, as Parker had no news of the hostiles, I waited there five days with him, for news and to recuperate from old injuries revived by the ride from Bowie.

I decided to get in touch with the command of Captain Lawton, who had excellent facilities for gathering information, in the hope that he knew where the hostiles were. We started out, accompanied by Parker's command, and on August 3rd arrived in Lawton 's camp on the Arros River, high up in the Sierra Madre Mountains, some two hundred and fifty miles by trail below the border. Lawton had no information of the hostiles' whereabouts, nor any news of them within two weeks. Having no escort—which I should of course have taken from Bowie —I put myself under Lawton 's orders, with the distinct understanding, however, that when circumstances permitted I should be allowed to execute my mission. Parker with his command returned north.

While on the Arros River, news came that the hostiles were far to the northwest. We moved in that direction, and about the middle of August learned that Geronimo 's party was near Fronteras, Mexico, making some overtures to the Mexicans on the subject of surrender. My little party, with an escort of six men that Lawton gave me, left the command about two o'clock that morning and at night camped near Fronteras, having marched about eighty miles.

The next morning at Fronteras, we learned that two squaws from the hostile camp had been there with offers of peace to the Mexicans, and had departed, going east, with three extra ponies well laden with food and mescal, the strong drink of Mexico. Lieutenant Wilder, of our army, had talked with them in regard to their surrendering.

II

In the meantime, the Prefect of the district had secretly brought about two hundred Mexican soldiers into Fronteras and was planning to entice the Apaches there, get them drunk, and then kill all the men and enslave all the women and children.

Geronimo told me later that never for a moment had he intended surrendering to the Mexicans, but wished merely to deceive them for a while so that his band could rest, buy supplies and have a good drunk. The Prefect did not suspect that; and he was much annoyed at the presence of the American troops and tried to get them to leave; but, since the treaty between the two republics gave them the right to be there, his request availed him nothing. But he demanded that the Americans should not follow the squaws, with implied threats if we did.

Taking an escort of six or eight men that Wilder gave me from his troop, and Tom Horn and Jose Maria as additional interpreters, I started as though for Lawton 's camp, twenty miles or more to the south ; but after going about six miles we quickly darted up a convenient arroyo and circled around toward the north, so as to strike the trail of the squaws. We picked it up about six miles east of Fronteras. Then, from time to time, members of the escort were sent back to tell Lawton where the trail was leading.

Slowly and cautiously, with a piece, of flour sacking on a stick to the fore as a white flag, we followed the squaws for the next three days, over rough country full of likely places for ambush. By the third day the trail was very fresh ; and we found where it joined that of the main body. It entered the head of a narrow canyon, leading down to the Bavispe River about four miles away—a canyon so forbidding that our two Indians, who were ahead, stopped to consider the situation. Hung up in a bush just before us was a pair of faded canvas trousers, which might be a signal for us to go forward without fear, and again might not. Everybody gave a different opinion of what should be done, and we finally went on all together—an unwise formation—but that canyon proved to be harmless, and then I was sorry I had not been brave and gone ahead.

A few miles farther, we reached and crossed the Bavispe River, near its most northerly sweep where, after flowing north, it makes a wide bend and flows south. Here we made our camp for the night in a cane-brake just under a small, round hill that commanded the surrounding country for half a mile. With a sentinel on the hill, with the two Indians scouting the trail several miles beyond and with the hiding places the cane-brake afforded, we felt fairly safe ; though this peace commission business did not at all appeal to us. The white flag was high upon the stalk of a nearby century plant, but we all felt that it took more than any flag to make us bullet proof. As it turned out, Geronimo saw us all the time but never noticed the flag, though he had good field glasses; and he wondered greatly what fool small party it was dogging his footsteps.

About sundown that day Martine returned and reported that the hostiles occupied an exceedingly rocky position high up in the Torres Mountains in the bend of the Bavispe, some four miles from our camp. Both Indians had been there and had delivered General Miles' message; and Geronimo, keeping Kayitah with him, had sent back Martine to say that he would talk with me only, and that he was rather offended because I had not come straight into his camp myself. Knowing Geronimo, I had my opinion of that ; but Natchez, the real chief if there was any, sent word that we would be safe as long as we started no trouble, and he invited me to come up right away. His influence among the band being greater than any other, I felt much easier; especially since Lawton 's Scouts, thirty in number, under Lieutenant R. A. Brown, had arrived in camp, and Lawton, with the rest of his command, was supposed to be near. It was too late to visit the hostiles' camp that night, so we remained in the canebrake.
III

The next morning, August 24, 1886, we moved out on the trail with Brown and his detachment. Within a mile of the hostile camp, we met an unarmed Chiricahua with the same message for me that had been delivered the night before. Then, shortly, three armed warriors appeared, with the suggestion from Natchez that his party and mine should meet for a talk in the bend of the river, that Brown and his Scouts should return to our camp, and that any troops that might join him should remain there too. These conditions were complied with. Our little party moved down to the river bottom, after exchanging shots and smoke signals with the hostiles to indicate that all was well.

Geronimo
 By squads the hostiles came in, unsaddled and turned out their ponies to graze. Among the last was Geronimo. He laid his rifle down twenty feet away and came and shook hands, said he was glad to see me again, and remarked my apparent bad health, asking what was the matter. Having received my reply, and the tobacco having been passed around—of which I had brought fifteen pounds on my saddle—he took a seat alongside as close as he could get, the revolver bulge under his coat touching my right thigh; then, the others seated in a semi-circle, he announced that the whole party was there to listen to General Miles' message.

It took but a minute to say,
"Surrender, and you will be sent with your families to Florida, there to await the decision of the President as to your final disposition. Accept these terms or fight it out to the bitter end."

A silence of weeks seemed to fall on the party. They sat there with never a movement, regarding me intently. I felt the strain. Finally, Geronimo passed a hand across his eyes, then held both hands before him making them tremble and asked me for a drink.

"We have been on a three days' drunk with the liquor the Mexicans sent us from Fronteras," he said. "But our spree passed off without a single fight, as you can see by looking at the men in this circle, all of whom you know. There is much wine and mescal in Fronteras and the Mexicans and Americans are having a good time. We thought perhaps you had brought some with you."

I explained that we had left too hurriedly to bring any liquor, and he seemed satisfied. Then he proceeded to talk business. They would leave the war-path only on condition that they be allowed to return to their reservation, reoccupy their farms, be furnished with the usual rations, clothing and farming implements, and be guaranteed exemption from punishment. If I were empowered to grant these modest demands the war could end right there !

Nelson A. Miles
 I replied that the big chief, General Miles, had told me to say just so much and no more, and it would make matters worse if I exceeded my authority; this would probably be their last chance to surrender, and if the war continued they would eventually all be killed, or if they surrendered later the terms would not be so favorable. This started an argument, and for an hour or two Geronimo narrated at length their many troubles—the frauds and thievery perpetrated by the Indian agents and the many injustices done them generally by the whites. Then they withdrew to a cane-brake nearby and held a private conference for an hour or more.

When their caucus had adjourned it was noon, so we all had a bite to eat. After lunch we reassembled. Geronimo announced that they were willing to cede all of the southwest except their reservation, but that to expect them to give up everything, and to a nation of intruders, was too much ; they would move back on the little land they needed, or they would fight until the last one of them was dead.
"Take us to the reservation—or FIGHT!"
was his ultimatum as he looked me in the eye.
I couldn't take him to the reservation; I couldn't fight; neither could I run, nor yet feel comfortable.

IV
Natchez & Wife
But Natchez, who had done little talking, here intervened to say that, whether they continued the war or not, my party would be safe as long as we started no trouble. We had come as friends, he said, and would be allowed to depart in peace. and went back to hunt them up, leaving Lieutenant T. J. Clay,  Surgeon L. Wood and a soldier with us. Dinner time came and all we had for us four was one small can of condensed milk. Wandering about camp, I saw the squaw of Periquo, brother-in-law of Geronimo, preparing a tasty meal of venison, tortillas and coffee. I entered into conversation with Periquo and presented his squaw with the can of milk; and I must have looked hungrily at the food, for, with much dignity and grace, Periquo invited me to partake. Then, motioning to Clay, Wood and the soldier, he invited them also. We needed no second invitation. The dinner was well cooked and everything was clean; our host gave up his own table-ware for our use and waited on us himself, and his squaw was pleased to see us eat so heartily.

Next morning there was still no pack-train, and we learned it had wandered off many miles on a wrong trail. But our Indian charges again saw to it that we did not go hungry. We reached Guadalupe Canyon on the boundary line. Some months previously the hostiles had killed three or four troopers of a detachment stationed here. Both parties started to go into camp near the springs which are the only water within several miles when, suddenly, our Indians, who had manifested uneasiness since their arrival, began to mount their ponies and leave camp, women and children going first. Then I learned that some of the command had become inflamed with angry desires for vengeance for the killing of their comrades and were proposing to attack the Indians. Lawton was temporarily absent. Seeing Geronimo going up the trail, I immediately rode after him; but out of the canyon they all took up a lively trot, and I had to gallop my mule to overtake the old man.

The troops having followed slowly without any hostile move, we came down to a walk. After some conversation, Geronimo asked me what I would do if the troops fired upon his people. I replied that I would try to stop it, but, failing that, would run away with him. Natchez, who had joined us, said,

"Better stay right with us lest some of our men believe you treacherous and kill you."

I cautioned them to keep the best possible look-out for any of the numerous bodies of troops in that region. We went a few miles farther, and, Lawton having returned, camped, but spent an uneasy night.

Through all this, as well as previously on several occasions, the Indians had been urging me to run away with them into the mountains near Fort Bowie, to get into communication with General Miles direct. But I knew the General was not at Bowie, and I feared that if I left them to locate him they might easily be attacked by one of our many columns or by the Mexicans and run out of the country; so I argued strongly against their plan.

Our troubles were not over, for the next day there was again some hot headed talk of killing Geronimo. Present conditions were difficult for me, if not impossible ; so I told Lawton I wished to join another command, that I had been ordered simply to deliver a message, and had done that and, more was not required. He stressed the necessity of my remaining, spoke of the "trouble" we would both be in if the Indians left, and wound up by saying that he would if necessary use force to keep me. I stayed.

VII

About the last of August, we arrived at Skeleton Canyon, Arizona, and General Miles came September 3rd. Geronimo lost no time in being presented ; and the General confirmed the terms of surrender. Geronimo turned to me, smiled, and said in Apache,
"Good, you told the truth!"

Then he shook hands with General Miles and said that no matter what the others did he was going with him. But in the meantime, Natchez with most of the band was several miles out in the mountains, mourning for his brother who had gone back to Mexico a few days before for a favorite horse and who, he feared, had been killed. Since Natchez was the real chief, and Geronimo only his Secretary of State, his presence was necessary to complete the surrender. At Geronimo's suggestion, I took the interpreters and the two Scouts and accompanied him to Natchez' camp. There I explained to Natchez that the big chief, General Miles, had arrived and that, among the Whites, a family affair like a brother's absence was never allowed to interfere with official matters. He said that, although it was hard for him to come before he knew his brother's fate, he wished to avoid any seeming disrespect to the big chief and therefore would come at once. He gathered his people together, came in and was as much pleased with General Miles as was Geronimo

General Miles wanted to take the two leaders on ahead with him to Bowie, thus separating them from their band. But they were still very suspicious, or had been up to that time, and it required no little diplomacy to get them to consent, which they finally did. They made the trip in one day—the rest of us taking three.
The surrender of Geronimo and his band was complete !

From Bowie the Indians were sent to Florida, after a delay in Texas; and finally were removed to Alabama—for them a grimly suggestive name, for it means,
"Here We Rest."
(*Copy slightly condensed from the original manuscripts and notes.)